When Chirag Paswan stepped onto the stage in Patna on Friday, November 14, 2025, he didn’t just celebrate a win—he rewrote Bihar’s political playbook. His party, the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), surged from a single seat in 2020 to 23 seats in 2025—a 2100% jump that stunned analysts, silenced critics, and sent shockwaves through the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). The results, declared after a tense day of counting that began at 8:00 AM IST and ended just before 6:00 PM, confirmed what voters had already signaled: Bihar had chosen development over division, and loyalty over legacy.
The Rise of ‘Modi’s Hanuman’
Chirag Paswan, often called ‘Modi’s Hanuman’ for his relentless campaign energy and ability to mobilize OBC voters, didn’t just win—he transformed. In 2020, his party contested 135 seats and won just one. This year, allocated only 29 seats by the NDA, he captured 23. That’s not growth. That’s a revolution. He didn’t rely on nostalgia. He didn’t lean on his father’s legacy. He built a groundswell of youth support, used WhatsApp campaigns to reach remote villages, and turned every rally into a community event—complete with free health camps and digital voter registration drives.
"The people of Bihar didn’t vote for a name," Paswan told reporters at his Patna headquarters. "They voted for a promise. A promise that roads would be paved, electricity would be steady, and dignity would be restored. That’s what the NDA delivered. And that’s why we won."
NDA’s Dominance: A Unified Front
The real story wasn’t just Chirag’s rise—it was the collapse of the old opposition. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), contesting 101 seats, was on track for 84–90 wins. The Janeata Dal (United), led by Chief Minister Neeraj Kumar, held firm with 75–80 seats. Even the Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM), under Jakir Rahman Firangipuri, won 4 of its 6 contested seats. Together, the NDA was projected to hold 190–200 of the 243-member assembly.
The math was brutal for the opposition. The Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), led by Tejashwi Yadav, slumped to 30–36 seats. The Indian National Congress (INC) barely crossed 5. The Left alliance—CPI, CPI-M, RCP—managed only 5–8. It was the worst performance by the Mahagathbandhan since 2005.
Why This Matters Beyond Bihar
This wasn’t just a state election. It was a referendum on the NDA’s strategy for 2029. For years, BJP leaders whispered that Bihar was a lost cause without JDU’s regional muscle. But now, with LJP(R) and HAM delivering critical OBC votes, and JDU holding its traditional base, the alliance proved it could dominate without relying on a single regional party.
"The old model of vote-splitting is dead," said political analyst Dr. Anjali Mehta from Patna University. "Chirag didn’t just win seats—he won trust. And that trust is now transferable. If the NDA can replicate this in UP or Jharkhand, the 2029 Lok Sabha map changes completely."
Turnout and Timing: A Quiet Revolution
The voter turnout of 58.34%—up from 57.05% in 2020—wasn’t just a number. It was a signal. Rural women, first-time voters under 25, and migrant workers who returned home specifically to vote made the difference. In districts like Muzaffarpur and Gaya, polling stations reported lines stretching past noon. In some villages, elders carried their grandchildren to the booth, saying, "This time, we choose the future."
The Election Commission of India confirmed the results were counted under strict surveillance. No major irregularities were reported. ABP LIVE’s live feeds from Patna, Seemanchal, and Magadh showed orderly counting, with results updating every 12 minutes. The transparency, observers said, was unprecedented.
What Comes Next? Neeraj Kumar’s Return
With the NDA comfortably past the 122-seat threshold, speculation turned to who would lead the next government. While BJP had the largest single bloc, it was widely understood that Neeraj Kumar would return as Chief Minister. His party, JDU, delivered the most stable performance. His leadership during the pandemic, infrastructure push, and anti-corruption drive still resonated.
"Neeraj Kumar is the glue," said a senior NDA strategist, speaking off-record. "He keeps the alliance from fracturing. Chirag brings energy. BJP brings reach. Together, they’re unstoppable."
Swearing-in is expected by November 18, 2025. Rumors suggest a cabinet reshuffle, with Chirag Paswan likely to get a key central ministry—possibly Food Processing or Rural Development—while retaining his Lok Sabha seat.
Historical Context: The Rise and Fall of LJP(R)
Chirag Paswan’s journey is one of resilience. After his father, Ram Vilas Paswan, passed away in 2020, the party fractured. Many believed LJP(R) was finished. In 2020, it won just one seat. In 2024 Lok Sabha elections, it bounced back with 5 wins—all from Paswan strongholds. But those were national seats. Bihar’s assembly elections are where local caste dynamics, land issues, and development promises collide.
What made 2025 different? Chirag stopped trying to be his father. He stopped competing with JDU. He became the bridge—between BJP’s national reach and JDU’s local roots. He spoke in Bhojpuri, not Hindi. He visited Dalit hamlets before OBC villages. He didn’t just promise schemes—he showed photos of completed roads, schools, and ration shops.
FAQ
Frequently Asked Questions
How did Chirag Paswan achieve a 2100% increase in seats from 2020 to 2025?
In 2020, LJP(R) contested 135 seats and won only one. In 2025, it contested just 29 seats under the NDA umbrella, focusing on key OBC and Dalit constituencies. By aligning with BJP and JDU, avoiding vote-splitting, and running hyper-local campaigns on development issues—like water access and rural electrification—it won 23 seats. That’s not just growth—it’s strategic precision.
Why did the Mahagathbandhan perform so poorly in 2025?
The RJD-led alliance suffered from internal divisions, lack of a clear development agenda, and voter fatigue. Tejashwi Yadav’s campaign focused heavily on caste identity without offering concrete solutions. Meanwhile, the Congress was irrelevant in most districts. The Left’s vote share dropped below 2% in many areas. Voters punished them for failing to deliver on promises made in 2020.
What role did voter turnout play in the NDA’s victory?
The 58.34% turnout—up 1.29 percentage points from 2020—was decisive. Rural women, youth under 25, and migrant workers returned in large numbers. In districts like Vaishali and Rohtas, turnout hit 63%. Many voters said they came back because they believed the NDA would actually deliver on promises, unlike the previous government.
Is this result a sign that BJP can win without JDU in future elections?
Not quite. BJP won 84–90 seats, but JDU’s 75–80 were crucial for stability. Without JDU, BJP would have lost key Dalit and Yadav-dominated seats. Chirag Paswan’s LJP(R) acted as the bridge. The real takeaway: BJP can win Bihar only as part of a coalition—its strength lies in uniting regional parties, not replacing them.
What does this mean for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections?
The NDA’s Bihar model—BJP for reach, JDU for legitimacy, LJP(R) for OBC consolidation, and HAM for minority outreach—could be replicated in UP, Jharkhand, and even Madhya Pradesh. If Chirag Paswan gets a central ministry, his influence will grow. The 2029 map may see a stronger NDA bloc, especially if Congress remains fragmented.
Will Chirag Paswan become Chief Minister of Bihar?
Unlikely. Despite his historic win, Chirag is a national figure with a Lok Sabha seat. The NDA consensus is that Neeraj Kumar, with his administrative experience and broader coalition appeal, remains the best choice for CM. Chirag is expected to take a key cabinet role in New Delhi, possibly Food Processing, while continuing to anchor the NDA’s OBC base in Bihar.
